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Brave New Workplace argues that organizations should focus on creating environments in which employees can flourish, rather than relying on the resiliency of workers to withstand difficult working conditions. Author Julian Barling outlines 10 elements for a healthy and productive workplace--leadership, autonomy, meaning, belonging, growth, fairness, clarity, recognition, safety, and physical environment--and illustrates how these elements can be readily implemented and how they can increase levels of work performance and employee well-being.

PurposeGiven the role leaders play in organizational effectiveness, there is growing interest in understanding the antecedents of leader emergence. The authors consider parental influence by examining how witnessing interparental violence during adolescence indirectly affects adult leader role occupancy. Drawing on the work–home resources (W-HR) model, the authors hypothesize that witnessing interparental violence serves as a distal, chronic contextual demand that hinders leader role occupancy through its effects on constructive personal resources, operationalized as insecure attachment. Based on role congruity theory, the authors also predict that the relationship between attachment style and leader role occupancy will differ for women and men.Design/methodology/approachTo test the hypotheses, the authors used data from the National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R) (n = 1,665 full-time employees).FindingsAfter controlling for age, education, childhood socioeconomic status and experienced violence, results showed that the negative indirect effects of witnessing interparental violence on leader role occupancy through avoidant attachment was significant for females only, while the negative effects of anxious attachment hindered leader role occupancy across sexes.Originality/valueResults identify novel distal (interparental violence) and proximal (attachment style) barriers to leader role occupancy, showing empirical support for the life-span approach to leadership and the persistent effects of home demands on work.

Women are increasingly represented in high status organizational positions. While the advancement of women into high status roles offers them many organizational benefits, the spillover and crossover effects of these high status positions on their marital relationships remain under explored. In this study, we focus on potential costs to the marital relationship when women in high status positions hold higher job status roles than their husbands. First, we examine the spillover effects of wives' job status relative to their husbands' on marital instability. We suggest that this relationship is indirect and mediated by negative thoughts and feelings toward their partners' lower job status (which we refer to as "wives' status leakage") and decreased relationship satisfaction. Second, we investigate plausible crossover effects on husbands' marital instability when wives have higher job status and suggest that husbands' spousal support can moderate the indirect relationship between wives' job status and wives' marital instability. We explored these questions on 209 women in positions of high job status, a sample of 53 matched husband–wife dyads, and 92 of the wives who also completed questionnaires three years later. Full cross-sectional and longitudinal support emerged for the indirect spillover effects of wives' job status on marital instability of wives, and direct crossover effects on husbands' marital instability. In addition, the indirect relationship between wives' job status on marital instability of wives was moderated by instrumental support. Theoretical contributions, practical implications, and future research suggestions are discussed. The online appendix is available at https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.2017.1120 .

AbstractWe investigated the extent to which commitment versus control‐based safety practices and occupational safety reputation influence perceived safety climate. Both these variables were manipulated experimentally using a vignette approach, creating a 2 × 2 design (safety practices vs. safety reputation). We hypothesized that any effects of safety practices would be direct, as well as mediated by trust in management and affective commitment, while the effects of safety reputation would only be direct. We also expected that the interaction of safety reputation and safety practices would yield stronger effects than either of the variables operating individual‐ly. There was substantial support for the direct and indirect effects of safety practices. In contrast, safety reputation exerted neither direct nor indirect effects. There were no significant interactions. We suggest directions for further research on the optimal management of occupational safety.RésuméNous avons étudié l'ampleur avec laquelle les pratiques de sécurité, centrées sur l'engagement comparativement à celles centrées sur le contrǒle, et la réputation de sécurité au travail influencent la perception du climat de sécurité. Ces deux variables ont été manipulées expérimentalement par l'utilisation d'une vignette, en créant un modèle 2 times 2 (pratiques de sécurité par rapport à réputation de sécurité). Nous avons posé l'hypothèse que les pratiques de sécurité entraǐnaient, en plus des effets directs, des effets indirects grǎce à la confiance envers les gestionnaires et l'engagement affectif alors que la réputation de sécurité n'avait que des effets directs. Nous avons aussi envisagé que l'interaction de la réputation de sécurité et des pratiques de sécurité produisait un effet plus marqué que chacune des deux variables opérant séparément. Nos résultats ont largement corroboré l'hypothèse relative aux effets directs et indirects des pratiques de sécurité; par contre, il s'est avéré que la réputation de sécurité n'avait ni effet direct ni indirect. Par ailleurs, il n'y avait aucune interaction significative. Nous proposons aussi quelques lignes directrices pour de nouvelles recherches sur la gestion optimale de la sécurité au travail.

AbstractSubstantial research attention has been directed to the victims and survivors of layoffs; however, the downsizers themselves have escaped similar attention. We conducted in‐depth interviews with 10 downsizers to try and understand what effects, if any, are associated with laying others off. Several themes emerged consistently, suggesting that downsizing others is professionally demanding and leads to role overload, a search for meaning, social and organizational isolation, a decline in personal well‐being, and decreased family functioning. Similarities and differences in the experiences of survivors and their executioners, and executioners and "jury members" are considered, and the question of why downsizers have not been studied previously is posed. We conclude by presenting an "outcome" model that describes the stages of this experience for downsizers, and we begin to identify strategies for ensuring downsizers' organizational effectiveness and personal well‐being, as well as a research agenda.RésuméLes chercheurs ont accordé beaucoup d'importance aux victimes et aux rescapés de mises à pied, sans porter toutefois attention aux dirigeants responsables des compressions d'effectifs. C'est pourquoi nous avons interviewé dix individus ayant effectué des compressions menant au licenciement d'employés. Il s'agissait de savoir d'abord si ces individus avaient été affectés par le renvoi d'employés et, dans l'affirmative, d'indiquer en quoi ces réductions les avaient touchés. De ces interviews se sont dégagées des constantes. Cǒté profession, nous avons noté chez le "downsizer," premièrement, une surcharge de travail, puis un questionnement et, enfin, son isolement, à la fois social et organisationnel. Cǒté personnel, nous avons remarqué chez lui une qualité de vie déclinante de měme qu'une vie familiale perturbée. Bref, nous avons voulu tenir compte de ce qu'ont en commun victime et ≪ bourreau ≫ et de ce qui sépare l'un de l'autre. Il nous importait de tenir compte également de ce qui lie et de ce qui éloigne le ≪ bourreau≫ du ≪ jury ≫. En outre, nous nous sommes demandé pourquoi les chercheurs avaient négligé d'étudier les dirigeants qui effectuent des compressions. C'est ainsi que nous avons pu construire un modèle qui permet de décrire l'itinéraire d'un dirigeant dans cette situation. Il nous a été possible également de suggérer des stratégies susceptibles d'assurer au "downsizer" son efficacité organisationnelle et d'améliorer son bien‐ětre personnel. Enfin, nous proposons un programme de recherches portant sur le "downsizer," personnage jusqu'ici délaissé par les chercheurs.